Tag Archives: Cuba-Spain Relations

New Book: CUBAN FOREIGN POLICY:,Transformation Under Raúl Castro

Edited by H. Michael Erisman and John M. Kirk

This volume illustrates the sweeping changes in Cuban foreign policy under Raúl Castro. Leading scholars from around the world show how the significant shift in foreign policy direction that started in 1990 after the implosion of the Soviet Union has continued, in many ways taking totally unexpected paths—as is shown by the move toward the normalization of relations with Washington. Providing a systematic overview of Cuba’s relations with the United States, Latin America, Russia, Europe, the Middle East, Asia, and Africa, this book will be invaluable for courses on contemporary Cuban politics.

THE AUTHORS:

Michael Erisman is professor of international affairs at Indiana State University.

John M. Kirk is professor of Latin American studies at Dalhousie University.

 

PUBLICATION DETAILS:

Rowman & Littlefield Publishers

Pages: 314 • Trim: 6 x 9

978-1-4422-7092-3 • Hardback • April 2018 • $85.00 • (£54.95)

978-1-4422-7093-0 • Paperback • April 2018 • $35.00 • (£23.95)

978-1-4422-7094-7 • eBook • April 2018 • $33.00 • (£22.95)

 

TABLE OF CONTENTS

  1. Historical Introduction to Foreign Policy under Raúl Castro, John M. Kirk

Part I: Key Issue Areas

  1. The Defense Contribution to Foreign Policy: Crucial in the Past, Crucial Today
    Hal Klepak,
  2. Cuba’s International Economic Relations: A Macroperspective on Performance and Challenges, H. Michael Erisman
  3. The Evolution of Cuban Medical Internationalism, John M. Kirk

Part II: Cuba’s Regional Relations

5. Cuba and Latin America and the Caribbean, Andrés Serbin
6. Cuba and Africa: Recasting Old Relations in New but Familiar Ways, Isaac Saney
7. Cuba and Asia and Oceania, Pedro Monzón and Eduardo Regalado Florido
8. Cuba and the European Union, Susanne Gratius
9. Cuba, Oceania, and a “Canberra Spring”, Tim Anderson

Part III:Cuba’s Key Bilateral Relations

10. The United States and Cuba, William LeoGrande
11. Canada and Cuba, John M. Kirk and Raúl Rodríguez
12. Spain and Cuba, Joaquín Roy
13. Venezuela and Cuba, Carlos A. Romero
14. Brazil and Cuba, Regiane Nitsch Bressan
15. Russia and Cuba, Mervyn Bain
16. China and Cuba, Andrian H. Hearn and Rafael Hernández

Part IV: Retrospective and Prospective Views

17. Conclusion, H. Michael Erisman and John M. Kirk

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NUEVA ERA EN LAS RELACIONES CUBA CON ESPANA

Miriam Leiva, Periodista Independiente

La Habana, 27 de octubre de 2014

 Orifinal here:  www.reconciliacioncubana.com

 Dos acontecimientos acapararon titulares y análisis sobre la visita oficial de José Manuel García Margallo, ministro de Relaciones Exteriores de España, a Cuba los días 24 y 25 de noviembre. La conferencia “Vivir la Transición: una visión biográfica del cambio en España”, y no ser recibido por el presidente Raúl Castro, supuestamente por el contenido de esa disertación. Probable, pero nunca hubo certeza sobre tal encuentro. Ciertamente, la tradición implantada por Fidel Castro ha sido mantener al dignatario expectante, lo cual garantiza magnificar el encuentro y que evite disgustar al anfitrión. No obstante el interés por avanzar las relaciones con España, los mandatarios cubanos quizás aún no consideraron oportuna la deferencia de ser recibido por el jefe de todos los poderes en Cuba.

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Spanish Embassy, Havana

El canciller sostuvo conversaciones con Ricardo Cabrizas, vicepresidente del gobierno, y Rodrigo Malmierca, ministro de Comercio Exterior, donde se abordaron los temas económicos y de inversiones. España es el tercer socio comercial de Cuba, tiene una presencia preponderante en el priorizado sector turístico y podría incrementar su participación en la aspiración de las autoridades cubanas de recibir mega inversiones.

Por su parte, las más de 200 empresas españolas presentes en la isla tienen preocupaciones sobre aspectos restrictivos de la Nueva Ley de Inversiones, que García Margallo planteó, como la necesidad de una contratación de personal más flexible y mayores facilidades para la repatriación de divisas, según la prensa extranjera.

En su encuentro con su homólogo Bruno Rodríguez Parrilla, Margallo trató la posibilidad de viajar al extranjero y regresar para los 12 prisioneros de conciencia del grupo de los 75 que permanecen en Cuba y de visitar el país quienes salieron en 2010 por acuerdo entre los gobiernos de Cuba, España y la Iglesia Católica, asi como la ratificación de los Pacto Internacionales de Derechos Humanos. Entre los temas bilaterales figuraron la posibilidad de un nuevo edificio para el consulado en La Habana y la apertura de otro en Santiago de Cuba. Los temas internacionales de actualidad tienen relevancia para España por su ingreso como miembro no permanente del Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU; al tiempo que procura una amplia participación en la próxima Cumbre Iberoamericana para salvar el mecanismo promocionado por Madrid, cuando proliferan las agrupaciones integradoras en América Latina y el Caribe, como CELAC.

La conferencia magistral de García-Margallo en el Instituto Superior de Relaciones Internacionales (ISRI), ante unos 400 alumnos, académicos, políticos, cuerpo diplomático acreditado, fue notable. De forma concisa y medida, el canciller analizó los antecedentes históricos y la transición en España que salía de una férrea dictadura con los traumas de la guerra civil y el exilio, pero prevaleció el consenso de concordia nacional mediante la firma y ratificación de los Pactos de Derechos Humanos de ONU y la normativa de la OIT, el reconocimiento a los derecho de reunión, asociación y expresión, la derogación de la censura, la amnistía a los presos políticos y la realización de elecciones democráticas. “La sociedad civil toma la palabra prometida por el Rey y (Adolfo) Suárez, y se convierte en actor principal de la Transición, trasladando en todo momento su deseo de concordia”, palabras desde la vivencia de quien ha transcurrido todo el proceso como joven diputado constituyente en la elaboración, debate y votación de la Carta Magna, hasta su actual puesto.

El vicepresidente y supuesto delfín Miguel Díaz Canel se reunió con Margallo antes de partir de Cuba, lo cual denota el interés, e incluso la necesidad, del gobierno cubano de normalizar las relaciones con España y continuar  progresando con la Unión Europea. El encuentro de Raúl Castro con Laurent Fabius se ha comparado a su actitud hacia el español. Son situaciones distintas. Las relaciones con Francia se estrechan desde hace años, y el exprimer ministro evoca la cercanía socialdemócrata como lo hacía el anterior gobierno español, tan próximo a La Habana. Durante la estancia, desde la parte española se resaltó el interés del nuevo Rey Felipe VI, que si bien cierta, desplazó el foco del presidente del gobierno español quien heredó el diferendo por la Posición Común de la Unión Europea y la consiguiente enemistad. Al menos en los medios, se cifró demasiada expectativa en el encuentro Margallo-Raúl Castro y en temas muy álgidos como la liberación de Alan Gross, gestión emprendida sin éxito por personalidades e instituciones muy prominente de Estados Unidos y el mundo. El prologado desencuentro entre dos países y pueblos muy próximos parece retomar cauces ascendentes.

Es encomiable el intento de compartir el disfrute de los principios democráticos expresado fuera de la mesa de negociaciones y la gestión por los prisioneros de conciencia. No obstante, más que poder viajar, el gobierno cubano debería incluirlos en una amnistía, o al menos en un indulto, del que se habla en las inhóspitas y pobladas cárceles cubanas con vistas al fin de año. Recuérdese que Raúl Castro lo otorgó a 2900 prisioneros en 2011, pero no incluyó a quienes viven con la espada de Damocles de la licencia extrapenal.

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Miriam Leiva with the late Oscar Chepe, 2010, Photo by Arch Ritter

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Cuba waits anxiously for oil dreams to materialize

By PAUL HAVEN. Associated Press, May 27, 2012

HAVANA (AP) — It was supposed to be Cuba’s economic savior: vast untapped reserves of black gold buried deep under the rocky ocean floor.

But the first attempt in nearly a decade to find Cuba’s hoped-for undersea oil bonanza has come up dry, and the island’s leaders and their partners must regroup and hope they have better luck – quickly.

Experts say it is not unusual that a 3-mile (4.8-kilometer) deep exploratory well drilled at a cost of more than $100 million by Spanish oil giant Repsol was a bust. Four out of five such wells find nothing in the high-stakes oil game, and petroleum companies are built to handle the losses.

But Cuba has more at stake, and only a few more spins left of the roulette wheel. The enormous Scarabeo-9 platform being used in the hunt is the only one in the world that can drill in Cuban waters without incurring sanctions under the U.S. economic embargo, and it is under contract for only one to four more exploratory wells before it heads off to Brazil.

“If oil is not found now I think it would be another five to 10 years before somebody else comes back and drills again,” said Jorge Pinon, the former president of Amoco Oil Latin America and a leading expert on Cuba’s energy prospects. “Not because there is no oil, but because the pain and tribulations that people have to go through to drill in Cuba are not worth it when there are better and easier options in places like Angola, Brazil or the U.S. Gulf of Mexico.”

A delay would be catastrophic for Cuba, where 80-year-old President Raul Castro is desperately trying to pull the economy out of the doldrums through limited free-market reforms, and has been forced to cut many of the subsidies islanders have come to expect in return for salaries of just $20 a month.

It could also leave the Communist-governed island more dependent on Venezuela, where President Hugo Chavez is ailing with cancer. Chavez provides Cuba with $3 billion worth of heavily subsidized oil every year, a deal that might evaporate if he dies or fails to win re-election in October.

An oil find, on the other hand, would potentially improve Cuba’s long-bitter relations with the United States, some analysts suggest. They say the U.S. oil industry could lobby Congress to loosen the embargo so it could get in on Cuba’s oil game. At the very least, coordination between the Cold War enemies would be necessary to prepare for any spill that could coat beaches in the U.S. and Cuba with black goo.

The Cuban government has not commented on Repsol’s announcement May 18 that the first well came up dry, and declined to make any oil officials or experts available to be interviewed for this article.

Next in line for using the drilling rig in Cuban waters is Malaysia’s Petronas, which holds the rights to explore an area in the Florida Straits known as the Northbelt Thrust, about 110 miles (180 kilometers) southwest of Repsol’s drill site. Wee Yiaw Hin, Petronas’ executive vice president of exploration and production, told The Associated Press that drilling has begun and he expects results by the end of July.

After that, two industry experts said, Repsol is under contract to drill a second well, though it could get out of the deal by paying a penalty to Saipem, the Italian company that owns the rig. Kristian Rix, a spokesman for Repsol in Madrid, said a decision on whether to sink another well was still being evaluated.

Venezuela’s PDVSA and Sonangol of Angola have options to drill next, but are under no obligation if they don’t like their odds. While both countries are strong allies of Cuba, at $100 million a well, the decision to drill will likely be based solely on economics.

Even if oil is found, the Scarabeo-9 is under contract to power up its eight enormous thrusters and sail to Brazil after that, with no date set for its return to Cuba. The bottleneck highlights the difficulties Cuba faces, and why it could be well into the 2020s before the island sees any oil windfall.

“Assuming they’re successful in finding oil, to bring the oil to market will take years of development efforts,” said Victor Shum, an energy analyst with consulting firm Purvin & Gertz in Singapore.

Once an exploratory well finds oil, companies generally drill between 10 and 20 additional wells nearby to get a sense of the reservoir’s size. The process can take several years even under normal circumstances, and circumstances are not normal in Cuba.

The Scarabeo-9 was built in Asia with less than 10 percent U.S.-made parts to avoid violating Washington’s embargo, making it the only rig in the world that meets the requirement. That means no other rig could be used in Cuba without risking U.S. sanction, and the additional wells would have to be drilled by the rig one at a time, with each taking about 100 days to complete. At about three wells a year, it could take up to six years for this second phase – assuming the rig is available.

After gauging a reservoir’s size, an oil company then must assess whether the economics of a field make it a prime spot for exploitation, or whether to concentrate resources elsewhere.

If exploitation does go forward, complicated equipment is required to pull oil from such depths. Several industry experts said the only country that produces the necessary apparatus is the United States, although Brazil and other countries are working to catch up. Unless they do, the oil could not be removed unless the U.S. embargo was lifted or altered.

“A lot of folks are looking at the energy sector in Cuba because they are looking at a Cuba of five years from now, or 10 years from now,” said Pinon. “So a lot of people are betting that either the embargo is going to be lifted, or the relationship between the U.S. and Cuba is going to improve in some way.”

Still, the benefits of hitting a gusher would be enormous for Cuba, and the impact could be felt long before any oil was pumped.

Because of the embargo, Cuba is shut off from borrowing from international lending institutions, and the island’s own poor record of repayment has left most other creditors leery. Cuba, for instance, owes the Paris Club of creditor nations nearly $30 billion.

An oil find could change the game, with Cuba using future oil riches as collateral to secure new financing, economists say. They point to China and Brazil as potential sources of new funding, but say neither is likely to put money into the island without reasonable confidence they will get their investment back.

Lee Hunt, the recently retired president of the Houston-based International Association of Drilling Contractors, said the stakes are enormous for Cuba that one of the wells hits oil before the Scarabeo-9 leaves. Hunt has worked to bring U.S. and Cuban industry and environmental groups together.

“If the only rig you can work with is gone, it’s like somebody took your shovel away,” Hunt said. “You are not going to dig any holes without a shovel, even if you know the treasure is down there.”

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New Analysis by Francesc Bayo Fornieles, “LAS RELACIONES ECONÓMICAS ENTRE ESPAÑA Y CUBA: ANTECEDENTES Y PERSPECTIVAS”

A recent analysis of Cuba-Spain economic relations has been published by Francesc Bayo Fornieles:

“LAS RELACIONES ECONÓMICAS ENTRE ESPAÑA Y CUBA: ANTECEDENTES Y PERSPECTIVAS”, BOLETÍN ECONÓMICO DE ICE Nº 2995,  DEL 16 AL 31 DE AGOSTO DE 2010

www.revistasice.com/cmsrevistasICE/pdfs/BICE_2995_25-34__2D9DCB3F50615CADB089354D24A747A1.pdf

Here is the summary:

La economía cubana afronta retos muy importantes para superar el estancamiento actual y los problemas estructurales acumulados, que obligan a pensar como asegurar una futura viabilidad. Según las decisiones que acabe adoptando el Gobierno presidido por Raúl Castro, el actual marco de inserción internacional y las condiciones de apertura externa podrían verse afectadas. En las últimas décadas las relaciones económicas entre España y Cuba han seguido una pauta de relativa continuidad, a pesar de los notables altibajos y, a la vez, se han producido frecuentes adaptaciones a los diferentes patrones que las han regido en cada momento. Con estos antecedentes y ante la posibilidad de que puedan abrirse nuevas expectativas, en este trabajo se pretende analizar las perspectivas para avanzar en esas relaciones.

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