HAVANA, Nov 24 (Reuters) – Cuba has carried out a root and branch
restructure of its sugar industry in a last-ditch attempt to keep mills from
folding in the face of collapsing output.
In recent weeks, the government has made 56 sugar mills subsidiary
companies of state sugar monopoly AZCUBA and incorporated local plantations
into the new entities, allowing them to leverage recent reforms that include
setting wages and cane prices and keeping control of 80% of their export
earnings.
The Communist-run country produced just over
800,000 tonnes of raw sugar last season, its worst performance since 1908 and
just 10% of a high of 8 million tonnes in 1989. Experts consulted by Reuters
say 2022’s production could be even lower.
“The industry has more or less collapsed. The situation is worse
this year than last and it will take time to bring it back,” a local sugar
expert said, requesting anonymity as he was not authorized to talk with
journalists.
The Caribbean island nation has suffered from both the effects of the
coronavirus pandemic and tough new U.S. sanctions, reducing its hard currency
earnings over the past two years by around 40%, shrinking the economy 13% and
reducing resources available to mills and plantations.
Provincial media has been filled with stories of cane shortages, mill
repairs behind schedule, and a lack of tires, batteries and fuel to harvest and
transport cane.
Cuba’s economy long relied heavily on sugar exports, but output has
plunged since the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991.
In central Sancti Spiritus province, for instance, some 45% of land that
should be cultivated for sugar was fallow, provincial Communist Party newspaper
Escambray reported last week.
A national Council of Ministers communique from a June 2021 meeting said
a review of the industry was underway “to guarantee in the future the
vitality of these activities, which have meant so much economically and in the
history of Cuba.”
The harvest usually begins in November and runs into May, but this year
the first mill will open on Dec. 5, with the bulk beginning to grind in late
December into January. Last year, 38
mills opened and this year there will be fewer, according to provincial media
reports.
Key sugar-producing provinces Villa Clara and Las Tunas provinces
estimate output of around 125,000 tonnes each, slightly more than last season,
while Sancti Spiritus, Cienfuegos, Granma and Artemisa provinces expect smaller
crops than the previous season. Other provinces have yet to publish their
production targets.
Cuba consumes between 600,000 and 700,000 tonnes of sugar a year and has
an agreement to sell China 400,000 tonnes annually. It was unclear how much sugar Cuba exported
this year and whether it imported any to meet local demand.
Like other industries, agriculture and cane cultivation face structural
problems in the import-dependent command economy which the government is only
just addressing. New reforms, including a steep devaluation of the local
currency and decentralization of export earnings are aimed at once again
boosting production. At the same time,
industry experts consulted by Reuters said there is no money to begin recovery
to export, nor access to multilateral financing.
With the population fully vaccinated against the coronavirus, and
tourism – the driver of the economy and foreign exchange – opening up, over
time the situation may improve, the sugar expert said.
“But they will need to go further with reforms, attract foreign investment or divert money from other sectors like tourism,” he said.
The article by Karel J. Leyva was, to me, disturbing. I think that it reflects the US
government perspective of Cuba and not that of the many Canadians who spend
time in and study Cuba and its history. Also, it does not recognize the
progress of Cuba in the Caribbean and South American context where political
turmoil is common and human rights abuses make those of Cuba seem minor.
Also, the US support for dictators and the overthrow of democratically elected
governments that lean to the left has been the norm, but only Cuba has been
able to withstand the unrelenting US subversion.
It is also important to recognize the history of
Cuba. Exploited first by the Spanish and then by the US who
supported the likes of Batista and the US mob operations in Havana. It
must be recognized that much of Cuba was exploited by US owned sugar plantations
that provided a few months of work each year, restricted the ability of farmers
to use vacant land and provided no social services, hospitals or
schools. This resulted in oppressive conditions for many Cuban families
and widespread illiteracy. But much of this changed after the Revolution
which heralded high rates of literacy, more social equality. access to
education and to health care. This has been followed by an enviable
achievement in medical internationalism and support to other developing countries
and the development of a pharmaceutical industry with many successes in
tropical disease and COVID 19 vaccines.
All of this in the face of the US unrelenting
blockade and covert support of dissidence. I am not saying that Cuba is
perfect. There is much left to be done and Cubans are facing difficult
times and much would be improved if the blockade were to be suspended.
And if covert support for dissidents stopped, then the government would have no
excuses for repression of Cuban’s expressing their frustrations. This is
made worse by admitted erroneous reporting by the media.. Showing crowds
of Cubans demonstrating in support of the Cuban government and then claiming
them to be dissidents calling for the overthrow of the government is not constructive.
For outsiders, it is difficult to get
access to fair media coverage and analysis. There are articles such as
that by Leyva, but there is information from people recently or currently in
Cuba who say that the coverage often reports legitimate demonstrations
complaining about the pandemic or the economy as calls for regime change –
which they often are not. If we want to help the people of Cuba, we need
to focus on them and not political differences. Like all of the western
democracies, we have been working on democracy since the Magna Carta in 1215
and had many revolutions and demonstrations along the way. Cuba has had
60 years. Let’s give them some breathing space for orderly self
determination.
For now, Canada should avoid the US
bandwagon, respect the incredible progress of Cuba from the colonial era and
use our influence to stop the US embargo/blockade and covert efforts at regime
change. Many Canadian visitors to Cuba and Canadian academics who
specialize in Cuban issues share this view.
…..
Cuba-Canada Relations a Generation Ago: Margaret, Fidel and Pierre.
CUBA, LE CANADA ET LES DROITS DE LA PERSONNE
Le vent de changement qui souffle
sur Cuba et la répression grandissante doivent forcer le Canada à repenser ses
relations bilatérales avec La Havane.
La nature dictatoriale du régime cubain a été reconnue à plusieurs reprises par des représentants du gouvernement canadien. En 2009, le ministre des Affaires étrangères Peter Kent a déclaré que Cuba est « une dictature, peu importe comment on la présente ». En 2016, Stéphane Dion, alors également ministre des Affaires étrangères, l’a reconnu lorsque la journaliste de Radio-Canada Emmanuelle Latraverse lui a demandé s’il trouvait approprié le ton employé par Justin Trudeau pour annoncer sa tristesse à la mort de Fidel Castro. La journaliste rappelait alors qu’il s’agissait d’un dictateur qui avait emprisonné des dizaines de milliers de Cubains et exécuté ses opposants. La même année, Justin Trudeau a fini par reconnaître que Castro était bel et bien un dictateur.
En 2018,
le Canada est allé jusqu’à présenter au régime cubain une série de recommandations concernant les droits
civils et politiques, dont celle de garantir que tout individu arrêté soit
informé sans retard des raisons de son arrêt, qu’il ait accès à un avocat de
son choix et qu’il ait droit dans des délais raisonnables à une audience
publique où il est présumé innocent.
Lorsque
le régime a brutalement réprimé les manifestations pacifiques de son peuple, le
11 juillet 2021, le gouvernement canadien a une fois de plus reconnu la nature
dictatoriale du régime et ses violations des droits et libertés. Le ministre
canadien des Affaires étrangères Marc Garneau a rencontré son homologue cubain pour lui faire
part des profondes préoccupations du Canada concernant la violente répression
des manifestations à Cuba, en particulier les détentions arbitraires et les
mesures répressives contre les manifestants pacifiques, les journalistes et les
militants.
Sans
surprise, les recommandations canadiennes en matière de droits de la personne
présentées à Cuba n’ont pas été prises en compte. Au contraire, comme le
souligne le plus récent rapport d’Amnistie internationale,
le gouvernement cubain continue de réprimer la dissidence sous toutes ses
formes en emprisonnant des responsables politiques, des journalistes
indépendants et des artistes, et en harcelant des poètes, des membres de la
communauté LGBTQ et des universitaires.
Une
attitude contradictoire
Ces
prises de position du gouvernement canadien soutiennent la légitimité des
revendications démocratiques du peuple cubain qui se traduisent, par exemple,
par une augmentation soutenue du nombre de protestations politiques recensées par
l’Observatorio
Cubano de Conflictos. Mais, contrairement au traitement que le
Canada réserve à d’autres dictatures, les dénonciations d’Ottawa n’ont aucune
incidence sur ses relations bilatérales avec La Havane.
Contrairement
au traitement que le Canada réserve à d’autres dictatures, les dénonciations
d’Ottawa n’ont aucune incidence sur ses relations bilatérales avec La Havane.
En fait,
non seulement le Canada accorde de l’aide financière directe au régime de La
Havane, mais il a également harmonisé sa programmation de
développement international avec certaines priorités définies par le
gouvernement cubain. D’autres régimes autoritaires ne jouissent pas du même
traitement. Par exemple, l’aide humanitaire que le Canada accorde à la Corée du
Nord se transmet par le biais de partenaires multilatéraux, car le Canada n’apporte aucune contribution financière directe
à ce régime. Des sanctions semblables ont été imposées au Nicaragua et au Venezuela afin d’envoyer un message clair en ce
qui a trait aux droits de la personne.
Le cas de
Cuba demeure une exception. L’intolérance du Canada face aux violations des
droits civils et politiques dénote donc une attitude à géométrie variable.
Une
situation qui se dégrade, malgré des pressions qui s’intensifient
La résolution du Parlement européen sur la situation des droits
de l’homme et la situation politique à Cuba, adoptée en juin 2021,
souligne que depuis l’entrée en vigueur, il y a quatre ans, de l’Accord de
dialogue politique et de coopération avec Cuba, non seulement ce pays n’a
accompli aucun progrès au regard des objectifs définis par l’accord, mais le
régime cubain a intensifié la répression et les violations des droits de
l’homme. La situation politique et économique s’est détériorée, provoquant une
nouvelle vague d’actions de résistance pacifique violemment réprimées par le
régime.
Un article d’Options politiques publié en
2006 soulignait que la politique d’engagement constructif du premier ministre
Chrétien à l’égard de Cuba n’a favorisé ni la démocratisation ni l’amélioration
de la situation des droits de la personne. De même, les politiques de
négligence « relativement bénigne » des premiers ministres Martin et
Harper n’ont pas eu d’effet sur Cuba non plus. Et le gouvernement actuel ne
montre pas de volonté franche à faire progresser les droits et libertés des
Cubains. Il serait donc temps que le Canada repense ses relations bilatérales
avec le régime de La Havane. Le Canada doit trouver un équilibre entre la realpolitik
et son engagement à promouvoir la démocratie et les droits de la personne.
C’est le peuple cubain, et non le régime, qui « a besoin de plus de Canada ».
L’insoutenable
ambivalence du Canada
On
pourrait se demander quel serait l’impact réel de l’application de sanctions
canadiennes sur un régime qui, depuis des décennies, a démontré une grande
résilience face aux pressions internationales, notamment américaines. Au-delà
du fait qu’en matière de droits de la personne, adopter une moralité politique
à géométrie variable n’est pas une attitude éthiquement acceptable, le contexte
politique actuel justifierait pleinement un changement de posture de la part du
gouvernement du Canada. Voici cinq tendances récentes qui soutiennent cette
affirmation.
Le
contexte politique actuel justifierait pleinement un changement de posture de la
part du gouvernement du Canada
Premièrement,
bien que le gouvernement cubain ait toujours violé de manière systématique les
droits de la personne, ces violations se sont aggravées considérablement au
cours des dernières années. Depuis le rassemblement de plus de
300 artistes, intellectuels et journalistes devant le ministère de la
Culture, le 27 novembre 2020, pour réclamer le droit à la liberté d’expression
et la cessation de la répression, le nombre de détentions arbitraires n’a fait
qu’augmenter. Selon les rapports de l’Observatoire cubain des droits de la
personne, entre février et juin 2021, 2 906 actions répressives, y
compris 734 détentions arbitraires, ont eu lieu à Cuba. L’ampleur de la
répression s’est accrue après le 11 juillet, lorsque des centaines de milliers
de Cubains ont marché pacifiquement pour réclamer la démocratie. Les
manifestants ont été accueillis par des balles, des passages à tabac et des
chiens lâchés sur eux. Par la suite, les agents de sécurité de l’État n’ont eu
de cesse de se rendre au domicile de manifestants identifiés, de les détenir
sans mandat d’arrêt, puis de les condamner lors de procès sommaires souvent
menés sans avocat. Le rapport de Prisoners Defenders du 6 octobre 2021
souligne qu’un record historique de 525 prisonniers politiques au cours
des 12 derniers mois vient d’être établi à Cuba. Ce document estime entre
5 000 et 8 000 le nombre d’arrestations arbitraires des suites de violences
policières depuis le 11 juillet, parmi lesquelles certaines victimes ont
dénoncé des tortures. Les personnes qui ont déjà été libérées l’ont été au prix
d’amendes très élevées équivalant à plusieurs mois de salaires à Cuba. Selon un document produit par l’ONG Cubalex, certains
font face à des peines de prison allant jusqu’à 27 ans. Un citoyen canadien de
19 ans a été emprisonné et est actuellement obligé d’effectuer des travaux forcés, malgré de
graves problèmes de santé.
Deuxièmement,
la nature même des violations a pris une nouvelle ampleur durant cette même
période. Domiciles de militants assiégés, menaces, harcèlement, coupures
d’Internet, amendes élevées, actes de répudiation et licenciements sont devenus
la norme à Cuba. En outre, le récent décret-loi 35, qui renforce les contrôles
sur la liberté d’expression dans les médias sociaux à Cuba, contrevient aux
dispositions des articles 41, 46, 50 et 54 de la Constitution de la
République de Cuba, tout en étant contraire aux traités internationaux ratifiés
par le gouvernement de ce pays. De plus, les acteurs ciblés ne sont plus exclusivement des dissidents politiques.
Ce sont des adolescentes menacées de viol par des agents de l’État, des
journalistes contraints de se déshabiller devant des militaires dans une
salle d’interrogatoire ou humiliés et agressés sexuellement, des grands maîtres des
échecs en grève de la faim détenus arbitrairement, des médecins et des
professeurs expulsés de leur emploi pour avoir fait la promotion du respect des
droits fondamentaux, des poètes harcelés par la police à leur domicile, des jeunes de 14 à 17 ans détenus et des
activistes forcés de rester dans leur maison durant des mois. Pour le Canada,
il n’est désormais plus possible de croire l’argument traditionnel du
gouvernement cubain selon lequel la contestation serait alimentée par des
groupes radicaux basés à Miami.
Il n’est
désormais plus possible de croire l’argument traditionnel du gouvernement
cubain selon lequel la contestation serait alimentée par des groupes radicaux
basés à Miami.
Troisièmement,
il existe une conscience internationale croissante à l’égard de la dégradation
du respect des droits de la personne à Cuba et une conviction morale que la
situation qui en résulte est inacceptable. À la suite des sanctions de l’administration Biden envers des
responsables des attaques contre les manifestants cubains, le Parlement
européen a émis une résolution, le 16 septembre 2021, sur la
répression gouvernementale visant les manifestations et les citoyens à Cuba. La
naissance du mouvement 27N et la répression constante de ses membres ont
donné une nouvelle visibilité à la fois nationale et internationale à la
situation des droits de la personne à Cuba. Des publications sur ce mouvement
dans la revue du Museum of Modern Art de New York en font
foi, tout comme la nomination de l’artiste Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara, leader
du mouvement 27N emprisonné le 11 juillet, parmi les
100 personnalités les plus influentes de l’année selon le magazine Time. Les nombreuses manifestations
contre la dictature organisées par des Cubains en exil aux quatre coins du
monde ont également contribué à cette visibilité.
Quatrièmement,
la communauté de Canadiens d’origine cubaine est devenue très active
politiquement. Des dizaines de manifestations exigeant du gouvernement canadien
des mesures concrètes contre la dictature cubaine ont déjà eu lieu au Canada.
Des pétitions ont été présentées à la Chambre des
communes demandant au gouvernement canadien de soutenir le peuple cubain face à
la forte intensification de la répression. Des rencontres ont été organisées avec des sénateurs et des députés pour exiger que
le Canada s’engage envers les droits de la personne et la démocratie à Cuba. Le
gouvernement fédéral se trouve ainsi sous la pression des politiciens et de la société civile canadienne,
qui lui demandent tous de mettre fin à sa complaisance à l’égard du régime de
La Havane.
Enfin, la
tendance à la hausse du nombre de protestations politiques à Cuba depuis 2020
s’est cristallisée dans l’explosion sociale survenue le 11 juillet dans plus de
60 endroits, événement sans précédent en 62 ans de dictature. Il serait
faux de réduire les revendications de ce mouvement aux seuls enjeux économiques
et sanitaires. Les vidéos qui circulent montrent le peuple cubain demandant
liberté et démocratie. Pour seule réponse, le président cubain a ordonné aux
« révolutionnaires » de réprimer et de battre les manifestants
pacifiques.
Néanmoins,
malgré la peur que cette période de terreur a générée au sein des familles
cubaines, de nouveaux mouvements sociaux et des alliances sont en train de se
créer dans la société civile du pays. De nouvelles marches pacifiques sont
prévues, comme celle qui est organisée pour le 15 novembre prochain par le
groupe de la société civile cubaine Archipiélago – une nouvelle plateforme
de représentation citoyenne – et le Conseil pour la transition démocratique
à Cuba.
Le
gouvernement a répondu en convoquant à plusieurs reprises les signataires
devant les autorités et en les menaçant d’emprisonnement. Il a également eu
recours à la diffamation publique, à des coupures de téléphone et d’Internet,
et à l’intimidation. La maison du leader d’Archipiélago a été vandalisée
avec des pigeons décapités, de la terre et du sang. Les rues commencent déjà à
se militariser et le gouvernement arme des groupes au moyen de fusils
automatiques et de bâtons. Les images qui circulent donnent froid dans le dos
et beaucoup craignent que la journée ne se solde par des violences et des
emprisonnements. Dans le but de soutenir la marche, la société civile
transnationale cubaine a organisé des manifestations dans 80 villes à travers le monde, dont Montréal,
Ottawa, Toronto et Calgary.
Le Canada
devrait accompagner le peuple cubain dans sa quête de liberté au lieu de se
contenter de soutenir, comme il le fait, le « processus de
modernisation de l’économie » amorcé par le régime ou de lui fournir une
aide financière dont le peuple ne bénéficie pas, mais qui semble plutôt servir
à acheter des équipements antiémeutes modernes jamais vus auparavant à Cuba.
Pourquoi un gouvernement qui, l’an dernier, en pleine crise sanitaire et
économique, a importé d’Espagne pour plus d’un million d’euros de matériel militaire
aurait-il besoin de l’aide financière du Canada ?
Un aveu
de complicité
Refuser
de sanctionner les responsables de ces violations des droits de la personne
constitue un aveu de complicité avec un régime en pleine décadence qui n’a
aucune légitimité politique et qui est même condamné sur la scène internationale pour esclavage moderne.
Non seulement une telle abstention minerait l’image du Canada en tant que l’un
des principaux défenseurs des droits de la personne dans le monde, mais il
mettrait le pays sur la sellette par rapport au traitement à la carte qu’il
réserve à différentes dictatures. Le Canada a signé avec les États-Unis et le
Parlement européen une déclaration commune appelant à un processus de
négociation global dans le but de restaurer les institutions au Venezuela, d’y
organiser des élections crédibles et de revoir les sanctions en fonction des
progrès réalisés dans ce pays. Comment, alors, expliquer qu’il n’envisage même
pas de repenser ses relations avec le régime de La Havane, qui non seulement
commet lui aussi des violations flagrantes de droits et des libertés, mais qui
est considéré comme un acteur crucial de la crise vénézuélienne ?
Fort de
sa réputation de défenseur des droits et libertés partout dans le monde, le
Canada pourrait jouer un rôle décisif en joignant sa voix au nombre grandissant
de celles qui soutiennent une transition démocratique à Cuba.
On
November 15, the US media primed us for a repeat of the events of July 11 in
Cuba — only more massive and more dramatic.
In July,
tens of thousands of Cubans took to the streets to express their frustrations
with their government and, more generally, the state of their country and its
economy.
In the
lead-up to this month’s announced protests, Archipiélago — a broad
umbrella of dissident groups led by well-known
dramatist Yunior García — boasted a Facebook group
of 37,000 members. It publicly identified rallying points around the island
where demonstrations would begin that day at 3 pm.
But
nothing much happened. Organizers asked Cubans to take to the streets to demand
radical changes in the government, but only a handful responded. They invited
Cubans to bang pots later that night to show the world their frustration. Even
fewer did. Despite predictions of violence and vandalism in the streets, CBS
Miami reported only 11 people arrested, with another 50 barricaded in their
homes by government agents and supporters. By the next day, García himself, without
telling any of his fellow dissidents, decamped to Spain.
What went
wrong?
The media
knew — or claimed to: “By suppressing protest, Cuba’s government displays its
fear of the people” (Washington Post); “Cuban government quashes planned
march by protestors” (NBC News); “Cuba Crushes Dissent Ahead of Protest”
(New York Times).
The media
was not totally wrong. The Cuban government does have a long history of
repressing dissent, which it claims is largely fomented by the US, and which it
considers an existential threat. (Those claims aren’t wrong either, though
their implications rarely get explored in the media.)
Certainly,
some Cubans were dissuaded from demonstrating by the large police and military
presence on the streets.
But that
alone doesn’t explain the lack of outcome.
What did
the US media, which generally parrots Washington’s malign interpretation of
anything that happens in Cuba, miss in its myopia? Plenty. Start with some significant events
that actually did happen in Cuba on November 15.
On that
day, for example, the country’s critically important, pandemic-ravaged tourism
industry reopened to fully vaccinated international visitors after 18 brutal
months of COVID-19 shutdown. In the first week, international flights to Cuba
were scheduled to increase from 67 a week to over 400.
That
became possible because Cuba has brought COVID under some level of control
again, thanks in part to a massive Cuba-wide vaccination program using vaccines
developed in its own labs. Cuban vaccination rates are among the highest in the
world. And the number of COVID cases has decreased from a daily average of
10,000 in the summer to 243 the day of the planned protest.
Not
coincidentally, November 15 also marked the much-delayed return to in-classroom
learning for 700,000 Cuban children, a major return-to-normal milestone that
helped buoy spirits. So too did a series of free concerts and art exhibits to
celebrate the upcoming 502nd anniversary of the founding of
Havana.
Beyond
those markers, there were other pragmatic reasons for Cubans to feel more
hopeful as protest day dawned. Venezuela, the major supplier of oil
to the island, increased its supplies from 40,000 barrels per day in August to
66,000 in November. Power has become more stable, with fewer blackouts, and the
cooler weather has helped ease pressure on the grid.
It is
also fair to note that the Cuban government — caught napping in July — learned
lessons too. But not — as the US media would have it — simply how to intimidate
and control its citizens.
Cuba’s
leaders acknowledged many of the frustrations that led to the July protests
were legitimate and set about making changes, particularly for women and young
people, and those in marginalized zones in larger cities. There are 62 projects
in Havana alone as job creation, infrastructure development, housing repair,
all became priorities.
The
government launched additional economic reforms too, offering greater freedom
for self-employment, access to hard currency credits for the private sector and
opportunities to collaborate with foreign investment partners. Over 16,000
self-employment projects have since been registered, 416 requests to establish
small and medium-sized enterprises approved.
At the
same time, the Cuban government launched a massive media campaign to make the
case to Cubans and the world — rightly again — that much of what ails the Cuban
economy is still the result of the ongoing, never-ending US embargo and
US-financed efforts encouraging right-wing regime change of the sort promoted
by Miami-centred dissident groups like Archipiélago.
None of
this is to suggest Cubans are suddenly universally satisfied with their
government or with the pace of change. But it does indicate Cuba’s November
“normal” appealed more to Cubans than Yunior Garcia’s call to the barricades.
And that
should make us all question what we read and see in the media. Cuba is far more
complex, its citizens’ views far more nuanced, than the simplistic media
caricature suggests.
Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez:
“It is clear that what I called a failed operation — a political
communication operation organized and financed by the United States government with
millionaire funds and the use of internal agents — was an absolute failure,”
Rodríguez said in an interview with The Associated Press.
Unlike the events on July 11—when thousands of Cubans took to the streets and largely spontaneous demonstrations spread rapidly across the nation—the demonstrations scheduled for Monday, November 15 did not take the Cuban government by surprise. Members of the civic group Archipiélago, the main organizers behind this demonstration, had notified authorities back in October of their intention to march on on this date to call for the release of political prisoners and protesters still detained after the July 11 protests, and to advocate for the respect of the rights of all Cubans and the resolution of differences through democratic and peaceful means. The government was prepared and for weeks, they harassed, intimidated and smeared the organizers of the march. On Monday, “acts of repudiation,”[1] heavy surveillance by state security agents, and cripplingly policed streets made sure streets in Havana—and the six other provinces where the new set of demonstrations were to take place—remained empty. Fear and the physical impossibility to leave their homes are the main reasons for the low turn-out of Cubans on November 15.
Men hang Cuban flags over the windows of opposition activist Yunior Garcia Aguilera’s home in an attempt to stop him from communicating with the outside, as he holds a flower from a window, in Havana, Cuba, Sunday, Nov. 14, 2021. (AP Photo/Ramon Epinosa)
The
proposed demonstrations came after the events of this summer, when Cuban
authorities sought to contain the largely peaceful demonstrations that occured
on July 11, using tear gas and excessive use of force, which resulted in the death of one demonstrator, Diubis Laurencio
Tejada, and the arbitrary detention of several hundreds of people—many of which
remain deprived of their liberty in violation of
their right to due process under the Cuban constitution and international law.
While the
Cuban government has the right to protect itself against foreign
interference—and the concerns about U.S. involvement with opposition groups are
understandable—it should not infringe on the human rights of its citizens. The
human rights enshrined in the Cuban constitution are universal, and need to be
guaranteed to all, regardless of political preferences. Article 56 of the
Cuban constitution grants its citizens the right to demonstrate, but the
government deemed the November 15 march illegal, alleging that it was
attempting to undermine the socialist order and that the organizers had
financial ties to the U.S. However, just as the Cuban government allows and
encourages pro-government demonstrations, it should respect the freedom of
expression and the right of assembly of those who disagree with it.
State
media have focused their coverage on the country’s reopening to tourism and the
return of elementary students to school after months, which also occurred on
November 15. In the case of the protests, it has once again been social
networks, independent journalists, and foreign correspondents who offer
information about what is happening on the island to those attempting to be
heard.
On
November 15 itself, images showed largely empty streets, except for police and
military vehicles. Some of the organizers complained their homes were
surrounded by state security agents, police officers in plain clothes, and
government supporters chanting slogans and insults so they couldn’t go out.
Others said they were warned by police that they would be arrested for contempt
if they forced their way onto the streets. According to the New York Times, at least 40 people were arrested, although the
Archipiélago group claims this number is closer to over 100.
Between
Sunday, November 14 and Tuesday, November 16, Yunior Garcia Aguilera, the
best-known member of Archipiélago, was prevented from leaving his apartment, as
he had planned to stage a solo march through Havana that day carrying a white
rose, as a sign of peaceful demonstration. Security forces and government
supporters surrounded his house, and his phone and internet services were
interrupted. He was seen waving a white rose from an apartment window while
displaying a sign reading “My house is blocked,” when government supporters
hung a giant Cuban flag from the roof of the building covering his windows to
keep him from communicating with anyone outside. The flags were still there
Monday and a guard stood at the door, while the phones of García and other
coordinators of Archipiélago group remained without service. After no known
communication from him since early Tuesday, Garcia Aguilera announced on Wednesday that he had arrived in
Spain with his wife, in circumstances that remain unclear.
Growing
social movements are a sign of a rapidly changing Cuba
In
November 2020, a coalition of about 300 people made up of artists and industry
workers (which later became known as 27N) met in front of the Ministry of
Culture to request a dialogue with the highest authorities after state forces
stormed the headquarters of the Movimiento San Isidro (MSI) in Old Havana on
November 26. During this raid, authorities evicted those who had declared a
hunger strike, with some refusing even liquids, in protest of the detention and
the judicial process against one of its members (rapper Denis Solís). In
January 2021, after the government had shown no interest in engaging in
dialogue with civil society, a number of the participants of the 27N gathered
in front of the Ministry of Culture only to continue to face the authorities’
unwillingness to listen. In April, people once again gathered in Calle Obispo
to protest in a show of support for the leader of MSI, Luis Manuel Otero
Alcanta, after authorities forcibly interrupted his hunger strike to take him
to the hospital.
The civic
march for change, and more broadly the Archipiélago group, inserts itself in a
rapidly changing Cuba. During the past year, groups like MSI and 27N have seen
increasing support among the youth, whom have been finding spaces both online
and in public spheres to call for an end to violence as a response to artistic
expression that is not aligned with the Cuban Communist Party (PCC), to demand
respect for fundamental rights, and an end to political repression.
Although
the July 11 protests were not the first expression of political disagreement to
have happened in the past year, they were definitely the first of such scale,
and they marked a before and after in the realm of public dissent with the
status quo in Cuba. It was no longer only artists and intellectuals, but the
broader citizenry protesting as thousands of Cubans took to the streets. The
demonstrations were a manifestation of both economic and social grievances that
are deeply intertwined. Protesters were seen asking for food and medicine,
deeper economic reforms that would improve Cubans’ daily lives, and more
freedom and political change.
How
Current Conditions Contributed to Displays of Dissent
The
island, which had kept the COVID-19 pandemic under control in 2020, saw
infections skyrocket this summer, with daily COVID-19 cases tripling in the
course of a few weeks and deaths spiking to record highs, which pushed health
centers to the point of collapse. On top of that, Cubans are currently facing
serious shortages of basic goods and medicine. In addition to that, a series of
economic reforms introduced by the Cuban government this year (such as currency reunification, which most observers
agree were necessary) have not only created additional harsh impacts in the
short-term, but were implemented at a particularly difficult time. These
factors have triggered inflation and increased the frustration of the Cuban
people. One of the main sources of discomfort is the dollarization of the
economy and the difficulty to access food and basic necessities— a process that
had been marketed since the end of 2019 in foreign currencies—which have placed
a larger sector of the population in a very precarious economic situation and
amplified already existing inequalities. The return of long power blackouts,
that take Cuba back to the 1990s and the so-called special period, add to
Cubans’ irritation and uncertainty. When procuring food and basic goods becomes
the number one concern for a family, it shifts from being an economic crisis to
being a social crisis.
The
Biden-Harris administration has voiced support for the Cuban people’s right to
protest and has condemned the ongoing repression, yet it continues to downplay
the role of U.S. sanctions in fueling Cuba’s humanitarian crisis by not
acknowledging that sanctions contribute to the severe and undue suffering of
the Cuban people. Supporting human rights in Cuba and empowering the Cuban
people also means removing the barriers that exacerbate the economic, health
and social crisis. Restrictions on remittances, including caps on
the amount and measures that have made it impossible to wire remittances from
the U.S. to families in Cuba, have limited the purchasing power of many,
banking regulations have made third country purchases more difficult, and
onerous rules governing medical sales have had an especially devastating impact
during the pandemic.
While the
Cuban government managed to avoid mass protests with a wave of repression and
heavy security presence that discouraged the participation of the ordinary citizens
that powered the summer demonstrations, the desire of young Cubans to be heard
has not disappeared. On Tuesday, Archipiélago issued a statement celebrating
the bravery of all those that protested in one way or another, and extending
the Civic “March” for Change until November 27—a date which is no
coincidence—calling for the release of political prisoners; respect for the
rights of all Cubans to assembly, demonstration, and association; the end of
acts of repudiation and all violence among Cubans for political reasons; and
the beginning of a transparent process for the resolution of differences
through democratic and peaceful means.
Cuban
authorities should refrain from violence and repression, and immediately
release those detained unfairly. In order to move forward, it is important for
the Cuban government to recognize the need for a peaceful dialogue that
includes the plurality of voices we are currently seeing among Cuban citizens,
including artists, journalists and civil society actors among others in order
to truly allow freedom of expression. For its part, the Biden-Harris
administration has a responsibility to take concrete and swift actions that
will alleviate the humanitarian and economic crisis beginning with the removal
of specific licenses required to send medical supplies, restrictions on sending
family and donative remittances, and restrictions on travel.
[1]Acts of repudiation (actos de repudio) is a term
Cuban authorities use to refer to acts of violence and/or humiliation towards
critics of the government.
The
demonstrations of July 11 were the first great autonomous and democratic
movement of Black and poor Cubans since 1959. The demonstrators did not chant
any of the slogans of the U.S.-based Cuban Right.
While it is true that the Cuban rap “Patria y Vida” (Life and Fatherland) that inspired many July 11 marchers is not clear about the alternatives it proposed to the social and political system that rules the island, it cannot be said, as some have pretended, that its political content is right-wing.
In
response to the July 11 demonstrations, the Cuban government decided to
prosecute the great majority of the hundreds of demonstrators arrested on that
day. As is its wont, the government has refused to provide the number of
arrested demonstrators, the charges against them, and the sentences that were
imposed on them. It seems that some of them were subject to summary trials without
the right to a defense lawyer, and got sentences of up to one year in
prison. However, for those that the government considered to be the protest
leaders, the prosecution demanded much longer sentences. That is why, for
example, in the case of 17 Cubans who were arrested in San Antonio de los
Baños, a town near Havana where the protests began, the prosecutors
demanded sentences of up to 12 years in prison.
At the
same time, the government increased its social assistance in numerous poor
neighborhoods of the capital and other cities in the island, which indicates
that even if it has not publicly admitted it, it is worried about the popular
discontent expressed on July 11, and it is attempting with those social
services at least to calm the people hardest hit by the economic crisis, and to
diminish the growing alienation and anger with the regime of large
popular sectors.
At the
same time, the political leadership has tried to discredit the popular protest,
taking advantage of its absolute control of the press, radio and television to
broadcast images of the demonstrators who got involved in violent incidents,
deliberately ignoring that the great majority demonstrated in a peaceful
manner. The official mass media similarly ignored the violence, that under the
leadership’s orders, the so-called “black berets” and other repressive organs,
like State Security, carried out against people who were exercising their right
to demonstrate peacefully.
The
profound economic crisis – exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic and by Trump’s
imperialist measures that Biden has almost entirely kept in place – especially
affected the Black and poor Cubans who went out into the streets on July 11.
That crisis is not about to disappear with the official reopening of foreign
winter tourism on November 15
Besides,
the government no longer counts with the degree of legitimacy that Fidel and
Raúl Castro, together with the rest of the “historic” generation, enjoyed when
they ruled the country. People like Miguel Díaz-Canel, the new president of the
Republic and First Secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba Central Committee,
and Manuel Marrero Cruz, the Prime Minister, belong to the systems’ second
bureaucratic generation, whose political prestige and legitimacy does not
compare with that of the historic leaders. It is not idle speculation to wonder
how many of the July 11 demonstrators would have insulted Raúl Castro and even
less Fidel Castro with the epithet singao (fucker or fucked) that they
yelled at President Díaz-Canel.
I am
among those who think that the national demonstrations of July 11, may very
well be a watershed in the contemporary history of Cuba. But this depends
on how the Cuban people respond to the call by the citizen virtual platform Archipiélago
to organize demonstrations throughout the island on November 15. We will then
see if the demonstrations of July 11 sowed the seeds of tomorrow’s fruits, or
if unfortunately July 11 was only an isolated outbreak of rebellion
and discontent.
The call
to demonstrate on November 15 could not happen in a more opportune moment
than this. After the great explosion of July 11 – and the manner in which the
government responded — it was politically logical that the next step would be
to pressure the government to recognize, de facto, if not de jure,
the right of the people to freely demonstrate in the streets.
It was
also to be expected, that the government would proceed, as it effectively did,
to deny the permit for the demonstration, arguing that “the promoters and
their public postures, as well as their ties with subversive organizations or
agencies associated with the U.S. government have the manifest intention to
promote a change of Cuba’s political system,” and citing the Constitution
of 2019 that defines the socialist system that rules Cuba as “irrevocable.” In
other words, the present Cuban rulers have the constitutional right to maintain
and control the ruling system in the island per saecula saeculorum (forever
and ever).
This is
the constitution that was adopted under a one-party system that
monopolizes the access to television, press and radio, and did not allow other
opinion currents and parties to participate in the process of writing the new
constitution in 2019. The control of the one-party system was such, that the citizens
who participated in the discussions sponsored by the government in different
places to voice their suggestions about the project, did not even have the
right, even less the opportunity, to organize and coordinate their suggestions
with those of other people in other meeting places; nor were they able to
promote directly their suggestions (without the filters and censorship by the
PCC) to the Cuban public through the mass media, a classic symptom of the
deliberate political atomization maintained and promoted by the
one-party system.
It is
impossible to predict how and to what degree the government’s prohibition is
going to affect the reach and dimensions of the protests projected for November
15. To plan small protests, as has already been proposed with the purpose
of appeasing the all powerful Cuban state, would be perceived by the regime as
a victory (achieved through its abuse of power).
The
international press would also see it that way, whose importance in these
situations must be taken seriously, including its impact on the Cuban
government as well as on the opposition. Such a victory would be
proclaimed by the Cuban government as a defeat for the legacy of July 11.
And it would embolden it to at least maintain the political status quo without
conceding anything.
But it
also must be taken into account the drastic measures that the regime will take
to prevent people from joining the march, something they could not do on July 11
because of the unforeseen nature of the protests. Cuba’s Attorney General has
already publicly warned that it will take very harsh measures to punish those
who go out in the street to challenge the regime on November 15. Face with such
a reality, it is very possible that many people will decide to stay home
and not demonstrate. And that same government will no doubt weaken the
possibilities of the movement by arresting, hundreds and hundreds of Cubans
before the day in which the demonstration is scheduled to take place, as it has
done on other occasions,
It is
difficult to prepare for the repression that is likely to occur. But should the
Cuban people confront the state in a massive protest – people must be
prepared to take advantage of that display of power to present and promote
democratic demands. A massive protest on November 15 could lead
a surprised and fearful government to adopt a hard repressive line,
which is very likely, or to open new possibilities for the autonomous
organization of new political forces in the island.
This
latter possibility would require a strategic and tactical reevaluation of
the proposals and political attitudes of the new critical left in Cuba, keeping
in mind that it might possibly occur in the context of a triangular
conflict among this new left, the government and U.S.-based Cuban Right. Such
proposals, that should have been put forward a long time ago, would
become, with this opening, truly indispensable.
First on
the list would be the abolition of the single party state, that has been
justified by the government in a great number of occasions and with the
most diverse arguments for so long. Among these is the appeal to José Martí’s
(Cuba’s principal Founding Father) idea of political unity. At the end of the
Nineteenth Century, Martí called on all the factions and groups that supported
Cuban independence to unite under the banner of the Cuban Revolutionary Party
to more effectively combat Spanish colonialism. When Martí made this call for
unity for the independence cause, he was trying to overcome the petty
jealousies and authoritarian tendencies of the insurgent military leaders and
unify the military campaign against Spain under civilian control. The unity
that he called for with respect to war, had nothing to do with the party system
that he, together with other independence leaders conceived for the new Cuban
independent republic, and even less for the constitutional establishment of
a one-party state that would exclude or declare other
parties illegal.
Another
justification frequently argued by the regime is based on what Raúl Castro called
the “monolithic unity” of the Cuban people that the PCC pretends to represent.
A conceit that was irrefutably exposed by the diversity of the July 11
demonstrations. Even less serious are the government’s May Day proclamations,
when it declares that the PCC is the only party that can and should represent
the Cuban working class.
The
one-party system is the principal obstacle to the democratization of the
country, a qualitatively different process from the liberalization
that the regime has implemented to a certain degree, as for example, when
in 2013 it considerably increased the number of Cubans who could travel abroad.
While it liberalized travel out of the country, it did not establish traveling
abroad as a right for all Cubans in the island, but as
a privilege discretionarily conferred by the government, as it is shown by
the situation of Cubans who have been “regulated,” and are not permitted to
travel abroad and return to their country.
It is for
reasons such as this, that politically conscious Cubans who are concerned with
the arbitrariness that has typified the system of the current ruling class of
Communist Party officials, have insisted for a long time in the necessity
to establish what has already been sanctioned even by the 2019 Constitution:
a country governed by the rule of law that functions according to laws and
not based on the discretion of those who rule.
This is
a fundamental demand in the struggle against arbitrariness, privileges and
the abuse of power. However, it is an impossible political goal under the
dominant one-party state in Cuba, where the political will of the PCC,
transmitted through its “orientations” is above even of the laws and
institutions of the system itself.
Those who
consider that the abolition of the one-party state is too radical
a demand, but who want to still participate in a movement to
democratize the country, could push for demands that advance the struggle along
the same road and educate the people, making more transparent the enormous power
of the PCC. Thus, for example, they could argue that while the PCC is the only
party allowed to legally exist, it should represent the full social and
political diversity in the country, which at present it clearly
does not.
The
argument in favor of the inclusion of diversity in the party, would lead to the
demand that the PCC break with the tradition that they wrongly refer to as “democratic
centralism,” which in reality is a bureaucratic centralism: decisions
taken from above, in contrast with those based on a free discussion and
free vote. To achieve this would also facilitate the right to form, whenever
a number of members find it to be necessary, party factions and platforms
(for party conventions) inside the party itself.
It could
also be demanded that the PCC transforms itself into a purely electoral
party, restricting itself to propose its candidates for the elections of public
officials. Such a change would bring to an end the “orientation”
functions of the PCC, through which it controls and directs, as the single
party in government, all economic, political, social and educational
activities. Although this change would not by itself bring about greater
democracy, it would at least bring about pluralism among power holders, with
each elected Communist acting on his or her own, which would effectively
fragment the bureaucratic monopoly of the single party.
In
reality, these last two proposals differ more in degree than in substance from
the first proposal, since they would all be a serious blow to the
one-party system and would create spaces to organize more effectively the
opposition to the regime, and especially to continue to insist and struggle for
the total abolition of the one party system with the objective of creating the
political basis for a socialist democracy.
The Cuban
playwright Yunior García has shot to fame over the past year, but not because
of his art. The 39-year old has become the face of Archipelago, a largely
online opposition group which is planning a string of pro-democracy marches
across the island on Monday.
The
Communist party has banned the protests – which coincide with the reopening of
the country after 20 months of coronavirus lockdowns – arguing that they are a
US-backed attempt to overthrow the government.
García
and other organisers say the protest is simply to demand basic rights for all
Cubans. Over syrupy black coffee and strong cigarettes in the living room of
his Havana home, García said he hoped to channel the “peaceful rebelliousness”
that he believes all Cubans have inside them.
“I
believe in a diverse country and I think we have to completely do away with the
one-party system which limits too many individual rights,” he said.
Such talk
is anathema to Cuba’s rulers who are already struggling to contain a simmering
social crisis which earlier this year triggered the largest anti-government
protests for decades.
Supercharged
US sanctions, the coronavirus pandemic, a surge in social media use and a younger
generation hungry for change have left the Communist party reeling.The Biden
administration has continued with Trump’s “maximum pressure” policy, which
since 2017 has hammered the island with more than 200 sanctions aimed at choking hard currency inflows.
The
result has been an economic crisis that rivals the so-called Special Period,
after the collapse of the Soviet Union.
“The
Special Period was a piece of cake compared to this,” said Umberto Molina, 71,
waiting in line outside a pharmacy. “There was medicine and you didn’t have
these never-ending queues.”
In July,
mounting frustrations exploded on to the streets in an unprecedented rash of protests – and a hardening
of positions. Cuban special forces beat demonstrators and hundreds were
imprisoned. Washington responded by imposing new sanctions.
“When the Cuban government feels more threatened by the US, its tolerance for internal dissidence goes down,” said William LeoGrande, professor of government at American University in Washington DC. “All
governments, when they feel under attack, become less tolerant of internal
opposition,” he added, pointing to the US Patriot Act following 9/11.
This
week, the foreign minister, Bruno Rodríguez, vowed that the protests would not
go ahead. “We will not allow it,” he said. “We will use our laws, our
constitution and the strictest adherence to the principles of our socialist
state of law and social justice.”
On
Thursday, García, said that he would march in silence and holding a white rose
on Sunday, but it was not clear if this amounted to a scaling back of Monday’s protests.
“We are
not willing to have a single drop of blood spilled, on either side of this
conflict,” García said in a Facebook post.
In his
interview, García, 39, said he was well aware of the risks he was facing.
“History
is full of people who have gone to prison for struggling for their rights,”
García said, offering José Martí, the 19th-century Cuban intellectual and
independence fighter, as an example.
Like
Martí, García says he opposes “foreign interference” in Cuban affairs. But
while Martí saw the US as a “monster” to be kept at bay, García takes a
different tack. After he met with the
head of the US embassy in Havana and a former US army captain, the Communist
party released video of the encounter, and labelled García a “political operative”.
García
said he discussed censorship on the island and the US embargo (which he
opposes), but he denied taking advice. Nobody in Archipelago, he said, takes so
much as “a cent” from foreign governments.Tolerance of dissent on the island,
which increased under Obama years, is nosediving. Activists say more than 600
are still in prison.
A gamut
of strategies have been employed to prevent Archipelago activists from
organising: García’s mobile phone line has been cut, two coordinators have been
fired from their state jobs, and activists’ families have been interrogated by
state security.
That the
protests are scheduled for the very day that Cuba is supposed to go back to
normal after a long lockdown, with tourists returning and schools opening, has
only heightened the stakes.
The
government has planned a “National Defence Day” for later next week, and
menacing photos have emerged of government supporters wielding batons in
preparation.
“There is
a quite properly widespread desire … that Cuba should move steadily and
quickly, and as soon as possible, towards a true democratic system, and that
the rights of peaceful protest and full freedom of expression be finally and
properly respected by the state,” said Hal Klepak, professor emeritus of
history and strategy at the Royal Military College of Canada.
“However, it is simply
unrealistic and contrary to all logic, to think that the Cuban state, besieged,
attacked and under quite savage economic warfare conducted by the greatest
power in the history of the world … can allow such rights to flourish.
“As San
Ignacio de Loyola, echoing the same conclusion as Machiavelli in such
circumstances, said: ‘In a besieged city, all dissent is treason.’”
Such
realism is little solace for young activists yearning for the democracy.
Daniela
Rojo, a single mother with two young children , said she was raised to “speak
softly and avoid problems”. But after being jailed for 27 days following the
July’s protest, she said she was determined to march on Monday for her
children’s sake.
“I want them to grow up in a country where they can express themselves freely,” she said.
HAVANA
TIMES – The Cuban government has many challenges right now, including the
implementation of anti-inflationary policies that will help reduce social
inequalities, which have become more visible after economic reforms began in
January.
“My husband’s
wages and my own are spent almost entirely on food, transport and paying our
bills at home. It’s been a while now since we’ve bought clothes, we only think
about how we’re going to be able to save up enough to dress and give shoes to
our two children, Moraima Valle, a history teacher living in Havana, explained.
Valle
stressed to IPS that she earns the equivalent to 170 USD per month at the
official exchange rate, but that a pair of shoes costs more than 200 USD, “and
we can’t even afford to have a soda out on the street.”
Also
living in Havana is pensioner Miguelina Calvo, who worked as a telephone
operator, and she told IPS that the 72 USD of her pension vanish into thin air
because “prices at the agro-market are through the roof and I need to buy some
medicines on the illicit market, as they are almost never available in the
drugstore.”
The
Reforms Process kicked off on the first day of this year, a comprehensive
reforms plan that included eliminating Cuba’s Convertible currency which was in
theory the equivalent of the dollar, devaluation of the regular Cuban peso, a
spike in wholesale and retail prices, getting rid of a series of subsidies,
raising costs of services, as well as an increase in wages and pensions.
Experts
recognize that these are important to make state-led companies’ accounts more
transparent and to readjust economic variables with international standards,
but they also say that they have come almost 10 years after the reforms program
was first approved in 2011 to modernize the socialist socio-economic model.
Currency
reform was undertaken amidst shortages of food, medicines, and basic essentials
because of the COVID-19 pandemic, and the inability of national industries to
step up production, as a result of the economic crisis that has existed for
three decades.
After a
five-year period with low growth rates, this Caribbean Island country lost 13%
of its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) ever since the beginning of 2020 and up
until September 30th, official statistics reveal. In the past two years, revenue had dropped by
almost 3 billion USD because of the collapse of the main economic leaders,
while the priority of health measures to contain the pandemic reduced the sum
available for imports, in a country that buys almost 80% of the food it
consumes alone.
In
addition to all of this, US sanctions increased and the embargo became
stricter, which has been hindering financial operations since 1962, and makes
it impossible for Cuba to access credit from international financial bodies.
“The wild
spike in prices led to distortions and dissatisfaction, especially among those
who saw their purchasing power drop. Likewise, it’s also a reason for a lack of
motivation at work, as wages are engulfed by prices,” economist Omar Everleny
Perez Villanueva explained to IPS. According
to the expert, high inflation “has affected every social group, but especially
the most vulnerable such as the elderly, those who receive social security
benefits, large families with lots of children or single mothers.”
The
numbers speak for themselves
On
October 27th and 28th, during the sessions of the National Assembly of People’s
Power, the unicameral Cuban Parliament admitted that the rate of inflation
continues to increase. Cubans are
experiencing prices that are 7-10 times above official prices, one of the
reports presented to the legislative border revealed.
Currency
reform increased the minimum wage by 500% to the equivalent of 87 USD, and the
maximum to almost 400. In the case of pensions, the lowest stands at 63 USD.
The
measure established a fixed official rate of 24 pesos to 1 USD, but on the
street, this figure varies between 68 for 1 USD in cash to 78 pesos for a bank
deposit for purchases with a debit card in stores with prices in USD, and this
money can’t be withdrawn.
Reports
handled by Parliament estimate that the deficit in products offered stands at
2.5 billion USD. They claim that it’s a factor that has shot up prices on the
illicit market and made the price of the basic basket of goods and services go
up, as it now costs double the 60 USD initially planned for monthly expenses.
Furthermore,
the reforms process hasn’t stopped the partial dollarization of the economy,
after stores opened in 2019 to sell electrical appliances, food and basic
essentials, with debit cards priced in USD and linked to accounts in foreign currencies.
Several
government officials argue that this controversial mechanism allows the country
to collect foreign currency and that some of this money is used to stock up
some products at stores where most of the population go, as they only receive
their wages and income in Cuban pesos.
Such a
segmentation of the economy translates into inequalities in terms of wages and
consumption, because “not every family has access, nor can everyone buy the
same quantity of products they need,” sociologist Reina Fleitas told IPS.
On the
one hand, “you have those who live off their wages, whether they are from the
State or not, and on the other, you have people who have access to alternative
sources of income via remittances, private businesses or because they form part
of the growing illicit market,” Perez Villanueva explained.
Given
chronic shortages of some products or the inability to buy in the US dollar
stores, analysts highlight that a percentage of the population satisfies their
consumer needs on the illicit market, which is partially sustained by the theft
of resources from state stores.
In regard
to inflation and its effects “we’re aware of the severity”, and the government
has made it a top priority to find a solution and to take care of vulnerable
people,” stated president Miguel Diaz-Canel at the National Assembly on October
28th.
The
Government has slightly lowered some prices such as electricity, which has been
the subject of much criticism, while they continue to repeat that they won’t
apply “shock therapy” and nobody will be left helpless in a country with
universal and free access to education and public health.
Meanwhile,
the rations booklet has been kept in effect since 1962, ensuring the 11.2
million inhabitants on the island receive a small monthly ration of rice,
sugar, grains, coffee, cooking oil and animal protein, regardless of income,
although this doesn’t cover all dietary needs, but it is relief for low-income
households and vulnerable groups, at least for part of the month.
Fairer
social and economic investment
Analysts
highlight the fact that the protests that broke out across the island on July
11th were in keeping with the expensive cost of living and a more severe
economic crisis, as well as different internal and external factors.
In the
weeks following the protests, the government has given greater priority to
social programs such as building and repairing homes, infrastructure projects
and specific assistance to people in vulnerable situations. [As well as the
arrest of hundreds of people who dared to protest.]
“The
Government has shown signs of trying to improve the life of Cuban families, and
positive measures such as those that contribute to broadening the range of
economic actors and to create new sources of employment, but the positive
effects aren’t being seeing in consumption,” Fleitas pointed out.
In her
opinion, “fairer social and economic investment is needed in its distribution
to keep domestic migration in check” and she reminded us that in Havana, for
example, many neighborhoods classified as “vulnerable” are founded by people
who come from even more disadvantaged communities, especially in the East.
According
to the sociologist, “the same synergy between government and science to fight
the pandemic” should be employed with social sciences, as “its results haven’t
been given the same importance as other disciplines… and its publications are
not only for diagnosing problems, but also to formulate policy proposals.”
Perez
Villanueva believes “the regulation of prices needs an injection of imports or
sales of national goods.”
In recent
months, the government has approved measures to revitalize business activity,
and it has authorized the first micro, small or medium-sized enterprises
(MIPYMES), in late September, and there are now over 300 signed up.
“However,
there continue to be obstacles in the decision-making power of business
managers, while MIPYMES need to deal with authorized state bodies to import, or
purchase supplies on the illicit market, which affects prices,” the economist
summarized.
November 8th, 2021 Contact: Elena Freyre (786)683-8241 cubaid7@yahoo.com allianceforcuba@acere.org HAVANA –
On November 8th, 247 Cuban private entrepreneurs, businesses and cooperatives sent a letter to President Biden denouncing the harmful impact that U.S. sanctions have had on their livelihoods. Despite campaign promises to reverse failed policies of prior administrations, President Biden continues to maintain the 243 sanctions against Cuba that the Trump administration added to the embargo. President Biden has yet to make any policy changes that would alleviate the severe economic crisis affecting all Cubans, including Cuban businesses. As the letter notes, “existing U.S. policy towards Cuba greatly affects our day-to-day business operations and cripples our ability to thrive.”
These private business owners and entrepreneurs work in wide-ranging
economic activities, including hospitality, manufacturing, technology and
agriculture. They represent a sector of Cuban society that the Biden-Harris
administration has stated is a priority area for U.S. support. Yet, as their
letter to President Biden states, the unwillingness to lift sanctions against
Cuba continues to severely impede their businesses’ ability to survive. The
signers of the letter note that it is “particularly cruel” of the Biden-Harris
administration to maintain hostile sanctions in the midst of the devastating
COVID-19 pandemic. Instead, Cuban businesses issued a direct appeal to President
Biden to normalize relations, which would help them attain the economic
prosperity they are striving to build.
Oniel Díaz, a founder of Cuban private business consulting firm, AUGE,
stated that he signed the letter “because with sanctions and the blockade [embargo],
the possibility of a prosperous and efficient economy will always be a distant
horizon, despite current economic reforms by the Cuban authorities.” Dianelis
García, from DIAKA, an interior design private firm, said: “Any measure that
limits and prevents the development of Cuban entrepreneurship is
discriminatory. The blockade against Cuba must end.” Another signatory, Abel
Bajuelos from 3D printing microenterprise, Addimensional – one of the more than
400 new private small and medium enterprises – defended that “any initiative to
end the unjust blockade deserves support.”
The Cuban people and Cuban businesses continue to bear the brunt of these
unilateral coercive measures, which have long been determined to be illegal
under international law. The business owners and entrepreneurs noted with
dismay the decision of the Biden administration to pay more attention to the
demands of a minority among the Cuban American community who opposes
engagement, rather than the majority of moderate voices who support
normalization, and to whom he owes his campaign promises. As the letter noted,
“[President Biden] administration’s policies should not be dictated by how much
adversity and suffering they can cause to Cubans, but by how much they can
improve our ability to prosper.”
When Biden was vice president during the Obama administration, he helped
with a groundbreaking effort to overcome decades of hostility, charting a path
of normalization for the benefit of peoples and businesses in both countries.
“Reforms in U.S. policy made during your tenure as Vice President allowing for
increased travel, telecom services and banking helped us substantially. We
dream of the return to those days, when engagement was the official U.S.
policy, producing an economic boom that benefitted us all,” states the letter.
Signatories of the letter urge President Biden “to work with the U.S.
Congress to lift the embargo and to take action immediately to increase travel,
trade and investment, especially given how the pandemic has wreaked havoc on
the global economy, including in Cuba. We urge you to take the following
immediate actions: 1) reestablish a path for remittances; 2) open travel for
those subject to U.S. jurisdiction; 3) reopen the embassy in Havana; and 4)
remove Cuba from the list of countries that sponsor terrorism.”
Alliance for Cuba Engagement and Respect (ACERE), Cuban Americans for
Engagement (CAFE), Puentes de Amor, Latin American Working Group (LAWG),
Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA) and Center for Democracy in the
Americas (CDA) are supporting this initiative by Cuban private businesses.
These organizations have organized a webinar today, Monday, November 8th
1:00-2:30 PM EST, where four of the Cuban business owners who signed the letter
will be explaining how U.S. sanctions negatively impact their businesses and
why they signed the letter. The webinar will commence with Special Guest Jim
Wedeberg, founder of Organic Valley dairy cooperative, and Professor of
Government at American University, William LeoGrande discussing current status
of U.S. Cuba policy. Facilitated by Geoff Thale, an independent analyst of Cuba
and Central America, the webinar is an opportunity to hear first-hand from
various Cuban business owners, including the CEO of the first private firm to
be created in Cuba under recently passed legislation, and find out how U.S.
sanctions hurt Cuban businesses, their employees and families. Registration is
free and open to the public at https://tinyurl.com/yv4cxx7b.
The letter to Pres. Biden and list of signatories can be found here in
English and its original Spanish version: https://acere.org/sector-privado2
HAVANA
(Reuters) – Cuba’s National Assembly on Thursday approved a raft of laws
broadening citizens’ legal rights even as the Communist-run country comes under
fire at home and abroad for a crackdown on protests earlier this year.
The
changes stem from the 2019 constitution, which required reforms to modernize
Cuba’s judicial and penal codes. But they address legal voids identified by
activists, who allege authorities flaunted due process following unprecedented
protests
https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/street-protests-break-out-cuba-2021-07-11
on the island in July.
Cuban lawmakers and judges said the new laws increase protection for those accused of a crime and should improve transparency. They require, for example, defendants be notified of potential charges against them, and that those detained be granted the right to an attorney within 24 hours. Citizens
will also be allowed access to their own court files and documents, according
to the new law.
Eloy Viera, a Cuban lawyer and legal analyst who lives in Canada, said the laws were a major step forward in enshrining a citizen’s right to defend him or herself in a court of law. “This
law offers more guarantees and adheres much more to international standards
than the regulations currently in force,” Viera said.
But how
those laws are implemented will determine whether or not Cubans see significant
changes in their legal rights, said William LeoGrande, a professor of
government at American University in Washington.
“The
laws… still give officials considerable discretion and only time will tell
how they use it, especially in political cases,” he said.
Dissidents
and human rights organizations say more than 1,000 demonstrators were arrested
after the July protests, the largest anti-government rallies since Fidel
Castro’s 1959 revolution. Some prisoners were held without charge,
incommunicado and without representation, rights groups say.
The Cuban government says those
arrested in July were guilty of crimes including public disorder, resisting
arrest and vandalism. It has declared opposition marches planned for Nov. 15 as
illegal, saying they are funded and promoted by the United States.
The laws
passed Thursday are set to take effect in 2022. Legal analyst Viera said it was
unlikely they would be retroactive.
“I
do not believe that this new legislation will have a definitive influence on
the processes already initiated today, and politically motivated, by the July
11 protesters,” he said.
Some
legal experts said any advances in the penal code would be overshadowed by the
one-party system of government.
“Supreme
court justices can still be dismissed easily. No court may declare
unconstitutional a National Assembly act,” said retired Cuban-American
scholar Jorge Dominguez. “There is no independent entity to protect
constitutional rights.”
The reforms nonetheless eliminate a long-critiqued law that allowed authorities to jail someone they said was potentially dangerous, a maneuver critics say was often used against dissidents. They also
include a prohibition on unlawful detention.
Independent journalist Yoani Sanchez said that was not enough. “Repressive
laws are still in force that are arbitrarily applied frequently against
opponents, activists and independent journalists, such as home confinement and
the prohibition of leaving the country,” she wrote.
